In our new Foreign Affairs article out today. Bonnie Glaser and I argue that with a new government now in office in Seoul, Japan and South Korea have an opportunity to wipe the slate clean. Still, although conditions are ripe for Japan and South Korea to finally move past their current stalemate, rapprochement will not be easy.
I was delighted to be invited to speak at the University of Sydney’s Center for International Security Studies Global Forum on April 26, 2022. The session explored the implications of the Russo-Ukrainian war for Indo-Pacific security. I was joined on the panel by Justin Hastings (University of Sydney), Jingdong Yuan (University of Sydney) and Tong Zhao (Carnegie Endowment for International Peace). My comments focused on the conflict’s impact on Japanese foreign policy and broader regional political dynamics.
On March 21, the Munk School of Global Affairs and Public Policy at the University of Toronto organized a webinar on the theme of “Convergence or Divergence? Decoding the Indo-Pacific Strategies of Canada, Japan, the USA, and Europe.” I was honored to speak about the US Indo-Pacific strategy on a distinguished panel with Jonathan Fried (Bennett Jones, LLP), Akiko Fukushima (Tokyo Foundation for Policy Research), Nicols Veron (Bruegel), Deanna Horton (University of Toronto), and Yves Tiberghien (University of British Columbia).
“To facilitate selective decoupling with China in such areas, the Biden administration is pursuing supply chain resilience through a two-pronged strategy of domestic and foreign policy initiatives: attempting to revitalize U.S. industry through onshoring while also promoting ally-shoring or friend-shoring abroad.“
I was delighted that the Italian Institution for International Political Studies (ISPI) invited me to speak at their Asia & Europe Initiative workshop on “Stability and Security in the Indo-Pacific” on March 8. I spoke about US supply chain strategy on a panel about “Securing the Supply Chain Along the Indo-Pacific” with Shino Watanabe (Sophia University), Françoise Nicolas (French Institute of International Relations), Jagannath Panda (Institute for Security and Development Policy, Stockholm), and Alessia Amighini (University of Piemonte Orientale and ISPI).
After the workshop, my paper on “Seeking Resilience and Revitalization: US Supply Chain Strategy in the Indo-Pacific” was published by ISPI as part of an edited volume. It argues that the Biden administration is pursuing supply chain resilience through a two-pronged strategy of domestic and foreign policy initiatives, but that it remains to be seen whether the American aims of resilience and revitalization will be truly complementary or whether the drive toward revitalization will lead to pitfalls of protectionism and inefficiency.
For Pacific Forum’s PacNet series, I wrote about what’s driving Japan’s tough stance on the Russian invasion of Ukraine and what this might mean for Japanese foreign policy in the future. Read it on the Pacific Forum website or download a PDF copy.
On March 3, I spoke at a webinar on “Enhancing Economic Security in Northeast Asia: Japan’s Approach and Opportunities for U.S.-Japan Economic Alignment,” part of the Mansfield Foundation’s Capitol Hill Asia Policy Dialogue series. The webinar looked at Japan’s approach to improving economic security vis-à-vis China and the opportunities for U.S.-Japan economic security alignment and cooperation. I was joined by Shihoko Goto (Wilson Center) and the session was moderated by Frank Jannuzi (Mansfield Foundation).
I had the pleasure of moderating a panel at the Japan in 2022 event co-organized by the Brookings Institution and the Japan-America Society of Washington DC. I was joined by Professor Mieko Nakabayashi (Waseda University), Professor Kay Shimizu (University of Pittsburgh), and Professor Yves Tiberghien (University of British Columbia) for a discussion on Japan’s domestic politics and economy.
I recently hosted a great conversation about the prospects for US-Japan-Europe security cooperation in the Indo-Pacific region with Dr. Zack Cooper (Senior Fellow, American Enterprise Institute and Co-Director of the Alliance for Securing Democracy at The German Marshall Fund of the United States) and Dr. Garima Mohan (Fellow, Asia Program, The German Marshall Fund of the United States). In recent years, the world’s attention has shifted toward the Indo-Pacific. As concerns over the rise of China and other regional challenges have intensified, the US and Japan have taken steps to strengthen their security cooperation and Europe has also become more engaged, begging the question of how the three sides might work together on security issues. What factors are driving Europe’s recent involvement in the Indo-Pacific? Does Europe have a role to play in the Biden Administration’s Indo-Pacific strategy, or would it be better for European countries to focus their efforts on security issues closer to home? Will a change of leadership in Japan affect its prospects for cooperation with the US and Europe? What are the most promising issue areas for trilateral cooperation and coordination, and what challenges lie ahead? In this episode, we discuss these questions and more. The topic of this podcast originated in conversations at GMF’s Japan Trilateral Forum.
“…China poses a challenge to the global commons because its actions reflect a pragmatic focus on national interest that disrupts more collaborative conceptions of their governance. However, instead of directly rejecting existing regimes, China has pursued a mixed strategy of complying when these regimes confer benefits and employing contestation or subversion when they conflict with its strategic aims.”
I’m pleased to share that my article “China’s Challenge to the Global Commons: Compliance, Contestation, and Subversion in the Maritime and Cyber Domains” has been published at International Relations. Read the full article
It is often predicted that rising powers such as China will seek to reshape the international order as they gain influence. Drawing on comparative analysis of the maritime and cyber domains, this article argues that China poses a challenge to the global commons because its actions reflect a pragmatic focus on national interest that disrupts more collaborative conceptions of their governance. However, instead of directly rejecting existing regimes, China has pursued a mixed strategy of complying when these regimes confer benefits and employing contestation or subversion when they conflict with its strategic aims. In particular, China has used contestation and subversion to push for the enclosure of the maritime and cyber domains, extending ideas of sovereignty and territoriality to them to varying extents. While the relatively well-institutionalized nature of maritime governance has limited China’s focus to the application of specific rules in areas where it prioritizes sovereign control, the embryonic status of the cyber regime has enabled China to call into question the fundamental definition of cyberspace as a global common. Subversion has also allowed China to accomplish strategic goals through ‘gray zone’ tactics, resulting in increased conflict below the level of war in both domains.
If you do not have access to International Relations, please contact me for a copy.